Part of the Politics series 
Electoral systems 


The Borda count is a family of positional voting rules which gives each candidate, for each ballot, a number of points corresponding to the number of candidates ranked lower. In the original variant, the lowestranked candidate gets 0 points, the nextlowest gets 1 point, etc., and the highestranked candidate gets n − 1 points, where n is the number of candidates. Once all votes have been counted, the option or candidate with the most points is the winner. The Borda count is intended to elect broadly acceptable options or candidates, rather than those preferred by a majority, and so is often described as a consensusbased voting system rather than a majoritarian one.^{[1]}
The Borda count was developed independently several times, being first proposed in 1435 by Nicholas of Cusa (see History below),^{[2]}^{[3]}^{[4]}^{[5]} but is named for the 18thcentury French mathematician and naval engineer JeanCharles de Borda, who devised the system in 1770. It is currently used to elect two ethnic minority members of the National Assembly of Slovenia,^{[6]} in modified forms to determine which candidates are elected to the party list seats in Icelandic parliamentary elections, and for selecting presidential election candidates in Kiribati. A variant known as the Dowdall system is used to elect members of the Parliament of Nauru.^{[7]} Until the early 1970s, another variant was used in Finland to select individual candidates within party lists. It is also used throughout the world by various private organizations and competitions.
Several variants and related rules are:
 Modified Borda count  a variant used for decisionmaking.
 Quota Borda system  a variant used to attain proportional representation in multiwinner voting.
 Score voting  a system in which voters can assign any score to any candidate, not just a list of prespecified scores 0, 1, ..., n − 1.
Voting and counting
Ballot
The Borda count is a ranked voting system: the voter ranks the list of candidates in order of preference. So, for example, the voter gives a 1 to their most preferred candidate, a 2 to their second most preferred, and so on. In this respect, it is the same as elections under systems such as instantrunoff voting, the single transferable vote or Condorcet methods. The integervalued ranks for evaluating the candidates were justified by Laplace, who used a probabilistic model based on the law of large numbers.^{[5]}
The Borda count is classified as a positional voting system. Other positional methods include firstpastthepost voting, bloc voting, approval voting and limited voting.
There are a number of ways of scoring candidates under the system, and it has a variant (the Dowdall system) which is significantly different. There are also alternative ways of handling ties. This is a minor detail in which erroneous decisions can increase the risk of tactical manipulation; it is discussed in detail below.
Tournamentstyle counting
Each candidate is assigned a number of points from each ballot equal to the number of candidates to whom he or she is preferred, so that with n candidates, each one receives n – 1 points for a first preference, n – 2 for a second, and so on.^{[8]} The winner is the candidate with the largest total number of points. For example, in a fourcandidate election, the number of points assigned for the preferences expressed by a voter on a single ballot paper might be:
Ranking  Candidate  Formula  Points 

1st  Andrew  n − 1  3 
2nd  Brian  n − 2  2 
3rd  Catherine  n − 3  1 
4th  David  n − 4  0 
Suppose that there are 3 voters, U, V and W, of whom U and V rank the candidates in the order ABCD while W ranks them BCDA.
Candidate  U Points  V Points  W points  Total 

Andrew  3  3  0  6 
Brian  2  2  3  7 
Catherine  1  1  2  4 
David  0  0  1  1 
Thus Brian is elected.
A longer example, based on a fictitious election for Tennessee state capital, is shown below.
Borda's original counting
As Borda proposed the system, each candidate received one more point for each ballot cast than in tournamentstyle counting, eg. 4321 instead of 3210. This counting method is used in the Slovenian parliamentary elections for 2 out of 90 seats.^{[7]}
Applied to the preceding example Borda’s counting would lead to the following result, in which each candidate receives 3 more points than under tournament counting.
Candidate  U points  V points  W points  Total 

Andrew  4  4  1  9 
Brian  3  3  4  10 
Catherine  2  2  3  7 
David  1  1  2  4 
Tournamentstyle counting will be assumed in the remainder of this article.
Dowdall system (Nauru)
The island nation of Nauru uses a variant called the Dowdall system:^{[9]}^{[7]} the voter awards the firstranked candidate with 1 point, while the 2ndranked candidate receives 1⁄2 a point, the 3rdranked candidate receives 1⁄3 of a point, etc. (A similar system of weighting lowerpreference votes was used in the 1925 Oklahoma primary electoral system.) Using the above example, in Nauru the point distribution among the four candidates would be this:
Ranking  Candidate  Formula  Points 

1st  Andrew  1/1  1.00 
2nd  Brian  1/2  0.50 
3rd  Catherine  1/3  0.33 
4th  David  1/4  0.25 
This method is more favorable to candidates with many first preferences than the conventional Borda count. It has been described as a system "somewhere between plurality and the Borda count, but as veering more towards plurality".^{[7]} Simulations show that 30% of Nauru elections would produce different outcomes if counted using standard Borda rules.^{[7]}
The system was devised by Nauru's Secretary for Justice, Desmond Dowdall, an Irishman, in 1971.^{[7]}
Properties
Elections as estimation procedures
Condorcet looked at an election as an attempt to combine estimators. Suppose that each candidate has a figure of merit and that each voter has a noisy estimate of the value of each candidate. The ballot paper allows the voter to rank the candidates in order of estimated merit. The aim of the election is to produce a combined estimate of the best candidate. Such an estimator can be more reliable than any of its individual components. Applying this principle to jury decisions, Condorcet derived his theorem that a large enough jury would always decide correctly.^{[10]}
Peyton Young showed that the Borda count gives an approximately maximum likelihood estimator of the best candidate.^{[11]} His theorem assumes that errors are independent, in other words, that if a voter Veronica rates a particular candidate highly, then there is no reason to expect her to rate "similar" candidates highly. If this property is absent – if Veronica gives correlated rankings to candidates with shared attributes – then the maximum likelihood property is lost, and the Borda count is subject to nomination effects: a candidate is more likely to be elected if there are similar candidates on the ballot.
Young showed that the Kemeny–Young method was the exact maximum likelihood estimator of the ranking of candidates. It implies a voting procedure which satisfies the Condorcet criterion but is computationally burdensome.
Effect of irrelevant candidates
The Borda count is particularly susceptible to distortion through the presence of candidates who do not themselves come into consideration, even when the voters lie along a spectrum. Voting systems which satisfy the Condorcet criterion are protected against this weakness since they automatically also satisfy the median voter theorem, which says that the winner of an election will be the candidate preferred by the median voter regardless of which other candidates stand.
Suppose that there are 11 voters whose positions along the spectrum can be written 0, 1, ..., 10, and suppose that there are 2 candidates, Andrew and Brian, whose positions are as shown:
Candidate  A  B 

Position  51⁄4  61⁄4 
The median voter Marlene is at position 5, and both candidates are to her right, so we would expect A to be elected. We can verify this for the Borda system by constructing a table to illustrate the count. The main part of the table shows the voters who prefer the first to the second candidate, as given by the row and column headings, while the additional column to the right gives the scores for the first candidate.
2nd 1st

A  B  score  

A  —  0–5  6  
B  6–10  —  5 
A is indeed elected, as he would be under any reasonable system.
But now suppose that two additional candidates, further to the right, enter the election.
Candidate  A  B  C  D 

Position  51⁄4  61⁄4  81⁄4  101⁄4 
The counting table expands as follows:
2nd 1st

A  B  C  D  score  

A  —  0–5  0–6  0–7  21  
B  6–10  —  0–7  0–8  22  
C  7–10  8–10  —  0–9  17  
D  8–10  9–10  10  —  6 
The entry of two dummy candidates allows B to win the election.
This example bears out the comment of the Marquis de Condorcet, who argued that the Borda count "relies on irrelevant factors to form its judgments" and was consequently "bound to lead to error".^{[7]}
Other properties
There are a number of formalised voting system criteria whose results are summarised in the following table.
System  Monotonic  Condorcet winner  Majority  Condorcet loser  Majority loser  Mutual majority  Smith  ISDA  LIIA  Independence of clones  Reversal symmetry  Participation, consistency  Laterno‑harm  Laterno‑help  Polynomial time  Resolvability 

Schulze  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  Yes  Yes 
Ranked pairs  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  Yes  Yes 
Split Cycle  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  Yes  No 
Tideman's Alternative  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  Yes  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes 
Kemeny–Young  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  Yes  No  No  No  No  Yes 
Copeland  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  Yes  No  No  No  Yes  No 
Nanson  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  Yes  No  No  No  Yes  Yes 
Black  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  No  No  No  Yes  Yes 
Instantrunoff voting  No  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  Yes  No  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes 
Smith/IRV  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  Yes  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes 
Borda  Yes  No  No  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes  No  Yes  Yes  Yes 
GellerIRV  No  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes 
Baldwin  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes 
Bucklin  Yes  No  Yes  No  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes  Yes 
Plurality  Yes  No  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes 
Contingent voting  No  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes 
Coombs^{[12]}  No  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes 
MiniMax  Yes  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes 
Antiplurality^{[12]}  Yes  No  No  No  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  No  No  Yes  Yes 
Sri Lankan contingent voting  No  No  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes 
Supplementary voting  No  No  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes  Yes  Yes  Yes 
Dodgson^{[12]}  No  Yes  Yes  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  No  Yes 
Simulations show that Borda has a high probability of choosing the Condorcet winner when one exists, in the absence of strategic voting and with all ballots ranking all candidates.^{[7]}
Counting of ties
Several different methods of handling ties have been suggested. They can be illustrated using the 4candidate election discussed previously.
Ranking  Candidate  Points 

1st  Andrew  3 
2nd  Brian  2 
3rd  Catherine  1 
4th  David  0 
Tournamentstyle counting of ties
Tournamentstyle counting can be extended to allow ties anywhere in a voter's ranking by assigning each candidate half a point for every other candidate he or she is tied with, in addition to a whole point for every candidate he or she is strictly preferred to.
In the example, suppose that a voter is indifferent between Andrew and Brian, preferring both to Catherine and Catherine to David. Then Andrew and Brian will each receive 21⁄2 points, Catherine will receive 1, and David none. This is referred to as "averaging" by Narodytska and Walsh.^{[13]}
Borda's original counting of ties
In Borda's system as originally proposed, ties were allowed only at the end of a voter's ranking, and each tied candidate was given the minimum number of points. So if a voter marks Andrew as his or her first preference, Brian as his or her second, and leaves Catherine and David unranked (called "truncating the ballot"), then Andrew will receive 3 points, Brian 2, and Catherine and David none. This is an example of what Narodytska and Walsh call "rounding down".
Modified Borda count
The "modified Borda count" again allows ties only at the end of a voter's ranking. It gives no points to unranked candidates, 1 point to the least preferred of the ranked candidates, etc. So if a voter ranks Andrew above Brian and leaves other candidates unranked, Andrew will receive 2 points, Brian will receive 1 point, and Catherine and David will receive none. This is equivalent to "rounding up". The most preferred candidate on a ballot paper will receive a different number of points depending on how many candidates were left unranked.
Comparison of methods of counting ties
Rounding down penalises unranked candidates (they share fewer points than they would if they were ranked), while rounding up rewards them. Both methods encourage undesirable behaviour from voters.
First example (bias of rounding up)
Suppose that there are two candidates: A with 100 supporters and C with 80. A will win by 100 points to 80.
Now suppose that a third candidate B is introduced, who is a clone of C, and that the modified Borda count is used. Voters who prefer B and C to A have no way of indicating indifference between them, so they will choose a first preference at random, voting either BCA or CBA. Supporters of A can show a tied preference between B and C by leaving them unranked (although this is not possible in Nauru). B and C will each receive about 120 votes, while A receives 100.
But if A can persuade his supporters to rank B and C randomly, he will win with 200 points, while B and C each receive about 170.
If ties were averaged (i.e. used tournament counting), then the appearance of B as a clone of C would make no difference to the result; A would win as before, regardless of whether voters truncated their ballots or made random choices between B and C.
Second example (bias of rounding down)
A similar example can be constructed to show the bias of rounding down. Suppose that A and C are as before, but that B is now a nearclone of A, preferred to A by male voters but rated lower by females. About 50 voters will vote ABC, about 50 BAC, about 40 CAB and about 40 CBA. A and B will each receive about 190 votes, while C will receive 160.
But if ties are resolved according to Borda's proposal, and if C can persuade her supporters to leave A and B unranked, then there will be about 50 ABC ballots, about 50 BAC and 80 truncated to just C. A and B will each receive about 150 votes, while C receives 160.
Again, if tournament counting of ties was used, truncating ballots would make no difference, and the winner would be either A or B.
Interpretation of examples of ties
Borda's method has often been accused of being susceptible to tactical voting, which is partly due to its association with biased methods of handling ties. The French Academy of Sciences (of which Borda was a member) experimented with Borda's system but abandoned it, in part because "the voters found how to manipulate the Borda rule: not only by putting their most dangerous rival at the bottom of their lists, but also by truncating their lists".^{[14]} In response to the issue of strategic manipulation in the Borda count, M. de Borda said: "My scheme is intended for only honest men".^{[8]}^{[14]}
Tactical voting is common in Slovenia, where truncated ballots are allowed; a majority of voters bulletvote, with only 42% of voters ranking a secondpreference candidate. As with Borda's original proposal, ties are handled by rounding down (or sometimes by ultrarounding, unranked candidates being given one less point than the minimum for ranked candidates).^{[7]}
Ties in the Dowdall system
Ties are not allowed: Nauru voters are required to rank all candidate, and ballots that fail to do so are rejected.^{[7]}
Truncated ballots
Some implementations of Borda voting require voters to truncate their ballots to a certain length:
 In Kiribati, a variant is employed which uses a traditional Borda formula, but in which voters rank only four candidates, irrespective of how many are standing.^{[15]}
 In Toastmasters International, speech contests are truncationscored as 3, 2, 1 for the topthree ranked candidates. Ties are broken by having a special ballot that is ignored unless there is a tie.^{[16]}
Multiple winners
The system invented by Borda was intended for use in elections with a single winner, but it is also possible to conduct a Borda count with more than one winner, by recognizing the desired number of candidates with the most points as the winners. In other words, if there are two seats to be filled, then the two candidates with most points win; in a threeseat election, the three candidates with most points, and so on. In Nauru, which uses the multiseat variant of the Borda count, parliamentary constituencies of two and four seats are used.
The quota Borda system is a system of proportional representation in multiseat constituencies that uses the Borda count. Chris Geller's STVB uses vote count quotas to elect, but eliminates the candidate with the lowest Borda score; GellerSTV does not recalculate Borda scores after partial vote transfers, meaning partialtransfer of votes affects voting power for election but not for elimination.^{[citation needed]}
Related systems
Nanson’s and Baldwin’s methods are Condorcetconsistent voting methods based on the Borda score. Both are run as series of elimination rounds analogous to instantrunoff voting. In the first case, in each round every candidate with less than the average Borda score is eliminated; in the second, the candidate with lowest score is eliminated. Unlike the Borda count, Nanson and Baldwin are majoritarian and Condorcet methods because they use the fact that a Condorcet winner always has a higherthanaverage Borda score relative to other candidates, and the Condorcet loser a lower than average Borda score. ^{[17]} However they are not monotonic.
Potential for tactical manipulation
Borda counts are vulnerable to manipulation by both tactical voting and strategic nomination. The Dowdall system may be more resistant, based on observations in Kiribati using the modified Borda count versus Nauru using the Dowdall system,^{[9]} but little research has been done thus far on the Nauru system.
Tactical voting
Borda counts are unusually vulnerable to tactical voting, even compared to most other voting systems.^{[18]} Voters who vote tactically, rather than via their true preference, will be more influential; more alarmingly, if everyone starts voting tactically, the result tends to approach a large tie that will be decided semirandomly. When a voter utilizes compromising, they insincerely raise the position of a second or third choice candidate over their first choice candidate, in order to help the second choice candidate to beat a candidate they like even less. When a voter utilizes burying, voters can help a morepreferred candidate by insincerely lowering the position of a lesspreferred candidate on their ballot. Combining both these strategies can be powerful, especially as the number of candidates in an election increases. For example, if there are two candidates whom a voter considers to be the most likely to win, the voter can maximise his impact on the contest between these front runners by ranking the candidate whom he likes more in first place, and ranking the candidate whom he likes less in last place. If neither front runner is his sincere first or last choice, the voter is employing both the compromising and burying tactics at once; if enough voters employ such strategies, then the result will no longer reflect the sincere preferences of the electorate.
For an example of how potent tactical voting can be, suppose a trip is being planned by a group of 100 people on the East Coast of North America. They decide to use Borda count to vote on which city they will visit. The three candidates are New York City, Orlando, and Iqaluit. 48 people prefer Orlando / New York / Iqaluit; 44 people prefer New York / Orlando / Iqaluit; 4 people prefer Iqaluit / New York / Orlando; and 4 people prefer Iqaluit / Orlando / New York. If everyone votes their true preference, the result is:
 Orlando:
 New York:
 Iqaluit:
If the New York voters realize that they are likely to lose and all agree to tactically change their stated preference to New York / Iqaluit / Orlando, burying Orlando, then this is enough to change the result in their favor:
 New York:
 Orlando:
 Iqaluit:
In this example, only a few of the New York voters needed to change their preference to tip this result because it was so close – just five voters would have been sufficient had everyone else still voted their true preferences. However, if Orlando voters realize that the New York voters are planning on tactically voting, they too can tactically vote for Orlando / Iqaluit / New York. When all of the New York and all of the Orlando voters do this, however, there is a surprising new result:
 Iqaluit:
 Orlando:
 New York:
The tactical voting has overcorrected, and now the clear last place option is a threat to win, with all three options extremely close. Tactical voting has entirely obscured the true preferences of the group into a large neartie.
Strategic nomination
The Borda count is highly vulnerable to a form of strategic nomination called teaming or cloning. This means that when more candidates run with similar ideologies, the probability of one of those candidates winning increases. This is illustrated by the example ‘Effect of irrelevant alternatives’ above. Therefore, under the Borda count, it is to a faction's advantage to run as many candidates as it can. For example, even in a singleseat election, it would be to the advantage of a political party to stand as many candidates as possible in an election. In this respect, the Borda count differs from many other singlewinner systems, such as the 'first past the post' plurality system, in which a political faction is disadvantaged by running too many candidates. Under systems such as plurality, 'splitting' a party's vote in this way can lead to the spoiler effect, which harms the chances of any of a faction's candidates being elected.
Strategic nomination is used in Nauru, according to MP Roland Kun, with factions running multiple "buffer candidates" who are not expected to win, to lower the tallies of their main competitors.^{[7]}
Example
Imagine that Tennessee is having an election on the location of its capital. The population of Tennessee is concentrated around its four major cities, which are spread throughout the state. For this example, suppose that the entire electorate lives in these four cities and that everyone wants to live as near to the capital as possible.
The candidates for the capital are:
 Memphis, the state's largest city, with 42% of the voters, but located far from the other cities
 Nashville, with 26% of the voters, near the center of the state
 Knoxville, with 17% of the voters
 Chattanooga, with 15% of the voters
The preferences of the voters would be divided like this:
42% of voters (close to Memphis) 
26% of voters (close to Nashville) 
15% of voters (close to Chattanooga) 
17% of voters (close to Knoxville) 





Thus voters are assumed to prefer candidates in order of proximity to their home town. We get the following point counts per 100 voters:
Voters Candidate 
Memphis  Nashville  Knoxville  Chattanooga  Score  

Memphis  42×3=126  0  0  0  126  
Nashville  42×2 = 84  26×3 = 78  17×1 = 17  15×1 = 15  194  
Knoxville  0  26×1 = 26  17×3 = 51  15×2 = 30  107  
Chattanooga  42×1 = 42  26×2 = 52  17×2 = 34  15×3 = 45  173 
Accordingly Nashville is elected.
Current uses
Political uses
The Borda count is used for certain political elections in at least three countries, Slovenia and the tiny Micronesian nations of Kiribati and Nauru.
In Slovenia, the Borda count is used to elect two of the ninety members of the National Assembly: one member represents a constituency of ethnic Italians, the other a constituency of the Hungarian minority.
Members of the Parliament of Nauru are elected based on a variant of the Borda count that involves two departures from the normal practice: (1) multiseat constituencies, of either two or four seats, and (2) a pointallocation formula that involves increasingly small fractions of points for each ranking, rather than whole points.
In Kiribati, the president (or Beretitenti) is elected by the plurality system, but a variant of the Borda count is used to select either three or four candidates to stand in the election. The constituency consists of members of the legislature (Maneaba). Voters in the legislature rank only four candidates, with all other candidates receiving zero points. Since at least 1991, tactical voting has been an important feature of the nominating process.
The Republic of Nauru became independent from Australia in 1968. Before independence, and for three years afterwards, Nauru used instantrunoff voting, importing the system from Australia, but since 1971, a variant of the Borda count has been used.
The modified Borda count has been used by the Green Party of Ireland to elect its chairperson.^{[19]}^{[20]}
The Borda count has been used for nongovernmental purposes at certain peace conferences in Northern Ireland, where it has been used to help achieve consensus between participants including members of Sinn Féin, the Ulster Unionists, and the political wing of the UDA.^{[citation needed]}
Other uses
The Borda count is used in elections by some educational institutions in the United States:
 University of Michigan
 Central Student Government
 Student Government of the College of Literature, Science and the Arts (LSASG)
 University of Missouri: officers of the GraduateProfessional Council
 University of California Los Angeles: officers of the Graduate Student Association
 Harvard University: members of the Undergraduate Council, as of 2018 ^{[21]}
 Southern Illinois University at Carbondale: officers of the Faculty Senate,
 Arizona State University: officers of the Department of Mathematics and Statistics assembly.
 Wheaton College, Massachusetts: faculty members of committees.
 College of William and Mary: members of the faculty personnel committee of the School of Business Administration (tiebreaker).
The Borda count is used in elections by some professional and technical societies:
 International Society for Cryobiology: Board of Governors.
 U.S. Wheat and Barley Scab Initiative: members of Research Area Committees.
 X.Org Foundation: Board of Directors.
The OpenGL Architecture Review Board uses the Borda count as one of the featureselection methods.
The Borda count is used to determine winners for the World Champion of Public Speaking contest organized by Toastmasters International. Judges offer a ranking of their top three speakers, awarding them three points, two points, and one point, respectively. All unranked candidates receive zero points.
The modified Borda count is used to elect the President for the United States member committee of AIESEC.
The Eurovision Song Contest uses a heavily modified form of the Borda count, with a different distribution of points: only the top ten entries are considered in each ballot, the favorite entry receiving 12 points, the secondplaced entry receiving 10 points, and the other eight entries getting points from 8 to 1. Although designed to favor a clear winner, it has produced very close races and even a tie.
The Borda count is used for wine trophy judging by the Australian Society of Viticulture and Oenology, and by the RoboCup autonomous robot soccer competition at the Center for Computing Technologies, in the University of Bremen in Germany.
The Finnish Associations Act lists three different modifications of the Borda count for holding a proportional election. All the modifications use fractions, as in Nauru. A Finnish association may choose to use other methods of election, as well.^{[22]}
Sports awards
The Borda count is a popular method for granting sports awards. American uses include:
 MLB Most Valuable Player Award (baseball)
 Heisman Trophy (college football)^{[23]}
 Ranking of NCAA college teams, including in the AP Poll and Coaches Poll
Analogy with sporting tournaments
Sporting tournaments frequently seek to produce a ranking of competitors from pairwise matches, in each of which a single point is awarded for a win, half a point for a draw, and no points for a loss. (Sometimes the scores are doubled as 2/1/0.) This is analogous to a Borda count in which each preference expressed by a single voter between two candidates is equivalent to a sporting fixture; it is also analogous to Copeland's method supposing that the electorate’s overall preference between two candidates takes the place of a sporting fixture.
This scoring system was adopted for international chess around the middle of the nineteenth century and by the English Football League in 1888–1889. Unbiased handling of draws was therefore adopted a century before unbiased handling of ties was recognised as desirable in electoral systems.
History
The Borda count is thought to have been discovered independently at least twice:
 Nicholas of Cusa (1401–1464) in his De Concordantia Catholica (1433) provided the first description of the Borda count and aruged unsuccessfully for its use in the election of the Holy Roman Emperor.^{[24]}
 JeanCharles de Borda devised the system in June 1770, as a fair way to elect members to the French Academy of Sciences, and first published his method in 1781 as Mémoire sur les élections au scrutin in the Histoire de l'Académie Royale des Sciences, Paris. The method was used by the Academy from 1784 until being quashed by Napoleon in 1800.
See also
 Comparison of electoral systems
 Copeland's method
 Nanson's method
 Arrow's impossibility theorem
 Oklahoma primary electoral system
Notes
 ^ Lippman, David. "Voting Theory" (PDF). Math in Society.
Borda count is sometimes described as a consensusbased voting system, since it can sometimes choose a more broadly acceptable option over the one with majority support.
 ^ Emerson, Peter (16 January 2016). From Majority Rule to Inclusive Politics. Springer. ISBN 9783319235004.
 ^ Emerson, Peter (1 February 2013). "The original Borda count and partial voting". Social Choice and Welfare. 40 (2): 353–358. doi:10.1007/s0035501106039. ISSN 01761714. S2CID 29826994.
 ^ Actually, Nicholas' system used higher numbers for morepreferred candidates.
 ^ ^{a} ^{b} Tangian, Andranik (2020). Analytical theory of democracy. Vols. 1 and 2. Cham, Switzerland: Springer. pp. 99–101, 132ff. ISBN 9783030396909.
 ^ "Slovenia's electoral law". Archived from the original on 4 March 2016. Retrieved 15 June 2009.
 ^ ^{a} ^{b} ^{c} ^{d} ^{e} ^{f} ^{g} ^{h} ^{i} ^{j} ^{k} Fraenkel, Jon; Grofman, Bernard (3 April 2014). "The Borda Count and its realworld alternatives: Comparing scoring rules in Nauru and Slovenia". Australian Journal of Political Science. 49 (2): 186–205. doi:10.1080/10361146.2014.900530. S2CID 153325225.
 ^ ^{a} ^{b} Black, Duncan (1987) [1958]. The Theory of Committees and Elections. Springer Science & Business Media. ISBN 9780898381894.
 ^ ^{a} ^{b} Reilly, Benjamin (2002). "Social Choice in the South Seas: Electoral Innovation and the Borda Count in the Pacific Island Countries". International Political Science Review. 23 (4): 364–366. CiteSeerX 10.1.1.924.3992. doi:10.1177/0192512102023004002. S2CID 3213336.
 ^ Eric Pacuit, "Voting Methods", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2019 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.).
 ^ H. P. Young, "Condorcet's Theory of Voting" (1988).
 ^ ^{a} ^{b} ^{c} Antiplurality, Coombs and Dodgson are assumed to receive truncated preferences by apportioning possible rankings of unlisted alternatives equally; for example, ballot A > B = C is counted as A > B > C and A > C > B. If these methods are assumed not to receive truncated preferences, then laternoharm and laternohelp are not applicable.
 ^ Nina Narodytska and Toby Walsh, "The Computational Impact of Partial Votes on Strategic Voting" (2014).
 ^ ^{a} ^{b} McLean, Iain; Urken, Arnold B.; Hewitt, Fiona (1995). Classics of Social Choice. University of Michigan Press. ISBN 9780472104505.
 ^ Reilly, Benjamin. "Social Choice in the South Seas: Electoral Innovation and the Borda Count in the Pacific Island Countries" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 19 August 2006.
 ^ SPEECH CONTEST RULEBOOK JULY 1, 2017 TO JUNE 30, 2018
 ^ https://www.cs.rpi.edu/~xial/COMSOC18/papers/COMSOC2018_paper_33.pdf
 ^ J. GreenArmytage, T. N. Tideman and R. Cosman, ‘Statistical Evaluation of Voting Rules’ (2015).
 ^ Voting Systems
 ^ Emerson, Peter (2007) Designing an AllInclusive Democracy. Springer Verlag, Part 1, pages 1538 "Collective Decisionmaking: The Modified Borda Count, MBC" ISBN 9783540331636 (Print) 9783540331643 (Online)
 ^ "Undergraduate Council Adopts New Voting Method for Elections  News  the Harvard Crimson".
 ^ "Finnish Associations Act". National Board of Patents and Registration of Finland. Archived from the original on 1 March 2013. Retrieved 26 June 2011.
 ^ Heisman.com  Heisman Trophy
 ^ Ramon Llull presented his own system – now known as Copeland’s – in 1299 in terms which can be confused with an exposition of the Borda count.
Further reading
 George G. Szpiro, ‘Numbers Rule’ (2010), a popular account of the history of the study of voting methods.
 Emerson, Peter (2007). Designing an AllInclusive Democracy  Consensual Voting Procedures for use in Parliaments, Councils and Committees. SpringerVerlag. ISBN 9783540331636. (Print) 9783540331643 (online)
 Reilly, Benjamin (2002). "Social Choice in the South Seas: Electoral Innovation and the Borda Count in the Pacific Island Countries". International Political Science Review. 23 (4): 355–372. doi:10.1177/0192512102023004002. S2CID 3213336.
 Saari, Donald G. (2000). "Mathematical Structure of Voting Paradoxes: II. Positional Voting". Journal of Economic Theory. 15 (1): 511–528. doi:10.1007/s001990050002. S2CID 195227181. SSRN 195769.
 Saari, Donald G. (2001). Chaotic Elections!. Providence, RI: American Mathematical Society. ISBN 9780821828472. Describes various voting systems using a mathematical model, and supports the use of the Borda count.
 Saari, Donald G. (2008). Disposing Dictators, Demystifying Voting Paradoxes: Social Choice Analysis. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521516051. This expository, largely nontechnical book is the first to find positive results showing that the situation is not anywhere as dire and negative as we have been led to believe.
 Toplak, Jurij (2006). "The parliamentary election in Slovenia, October 2004". Electoral Studies. 25 (4): 825–831. doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2005.12.006.
 Adelsman, Rony M.; Whinston, Andrew B. (1977). "Sophisticated Voting with Information for Two Voting Functions". Journal of Economic Theory. 15 (1): 145–159. doi:10.1016/00220531(77)900734.
 Hulkower, Neal D. and Neatrour, John (2019). "The Power of None," SAGE Open, [1]. This paper looks at adding None of the candidates as a binding option for the Borda Count and proves that it uniquely satisfies five rational properties.
External links
 Eric Pacuit, "Voting Methods", The Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy (Fall 2019 Edition), Edward N. Zalta (ed.)
 The de Borda Institute, Northern Ireland
 Voters Choose, USA: A Borda Count advocacy and research group based in the United States
 Complexity of Control of Borda Count Elections: thesis by Nathan F. Russell
 Scoring Rules on Dichotomous Preferences: article by Marc Vorsatz, mathematically comparing the Borda count to approval voting under specific conditions.
 A program to implement the Condorcet and Borda rules in a smalln election: article by Iain McLean and Neil Shephard.
 (in French) Élections au scrutin: Borda's original French text (1781) in a high definition PDF file.